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गुरुवार, 24 मार्च 2022

THE HINDU EDITORIAL- MARCH, 21, 2022

 

THE HINDU EDITORIAL- MARCH, 21, 2022

Mounting pressure

India must retain the ability to judge and shift its position on Ukraine as the war progresses

It is certainly no coincidence that a string of foreign leaders, Ministers and officials are descending on New Delhi this month, as the Russian invasion of Ukraine continues for its fourth week, and without a clear end in sight. There are summits with the Prime Ministers of Japan and Australia (virtual), and one soon with the Israeli Prime Minister, and visits by the U.S. Under Secretary of State, Victoria Nuland, as well as European Foreign Ministers and delegations. What the visits by NATO Quad allies of the U.S. all have in common is their planning at short notice, and putting discussions on India’s stand on Ukraine at the top of their talks. Even Japanese PM Fumio Kishida, who had a full bilateral agenda to discuss with Prime Minister Narendra Modi at their much-delayed annual summit meeting, arrived in Delhi on a very short visit, and made it clear that finding a common position on Ukraine and telling India that it must not “condone” Russia’s actions was a “priority”. The message from the West is clear: that India must shift its position on three counts: to do more at the UN, where New Delhi has consistently abstained from resolutions criticizing Moscow; to join the sanctions regime; and to avoid contracting for more Russian oil, or sending civil or military supplies to the Putting regime until the war ends. The flurry of visits, comments by officials, and press statements by diplomats indicate that tensions between Russia and the West have reached a point of no return, and New Delhi is being asked to make a very pointed choice between them.

    While there are several reasons why New Delhi had declined the attempts to steer it from its course on Russia that are linked to its strong partnership with Russia, there are some global interests that the Modi government must consider more closely. The civilian toll in Ukraine is mountain, and while Russia had denied reports of targeted attacks on schools and theatres, it is necessary for New Delhi to acknowledge any Russian violation of human rights, especially as the Kremlin has not yet fully clarified its endgame. Second, while India has expressed concerns over nuclear safety, it must be willing to make this an issue with Moscow, if necessary. Another area is the threat of chemical and biological warfare, and while the Indian representative spoke strongly at the UN Security Council about the importance of fully implementing the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention, the Government must be prepared to vote on the issue and call out any side that violates these. As the war progresses, more such debates will arise, and New Delhi must retain its ability to judge and shift its position from “being neutral” and “abstentionist” to one more wholly seized of the issues, and as a leading nation that is able to exercise its “strategic autonomy” on matters of principle, when required.

 

The spring blues   

A fresh guard is needed to nurture India’s fledgling economic recovery

This week, India will complete two years since the Government embarked on what is now considered the harshest and quickest lockdowns in the world in a bid to block entry points for the infectious COVID-19 virus. The efficacy of that lockdown, both in terms of cubing infection rates (and mortality rates) and the accompanying hardships imposed on the population at large can be debated at length. There is, however, little argument over the massive economic costs for the country. The RBI has underlined that some of that damage to India’s GDP is permanent. This can be linked to businesses shutting shop for good, labourers migrating home (with many choosing not to return) and consumers turning increasingly reluctant. The rebuilding effort remains a work in progress, although record tax collections would suggest that all is well. Personal consumption and employment-driving contact-intensive sectors remain below pre-pandemic levels, even as other macro metrics have surpassed pre-COVID performance. Just as the virus appeared to be ebbing, triggering hopes of a revival in consumer confidence, the Russia-Ukraine conflict has thrown up fresh challenges, including high commodity and crude oil prices.

    Health-care costs are considered a key factor for pushing several middle- and lower-income households below the poverty line, while high inflation affects all economic actors. The Russia-Ukraine situation has not only catapulted gas, oil and coal prices higher but also fertilizers, wheat, corn, and seed oil. A section of farmers growing crops such as wheat may gain, but inflation in essential items such as food and transport, will impact the poor the most. For now, India’s oil marketing companies, who the Government has argued determine the retail prices of fuel, have shown extreme benevolence in holding rates at November 2021 levels and this may persist till Parliament’s current session ends. This is, however, not fiscally sustainable, just as the Finance Ministry has argued that high global commodity prices are not. A prolonged conflict in Europe could tip the global economy into recession, even as monetary policy missteps and social risks associated with high inflation could dampen growth, Moody’s Investors Service warned last week. On the other hand, the Governments robust direct tax collections that have surpassed even revised estimates by 1.13 lack crore rupees, give it room to not just push forward the LIC share sale till market volatility subsides but also slash fuel taxes further, curb other inflationary pressures and expand the COVID-19 booster shots coverage. Unless people get more certainty about the pandemic’s end-game, and have some money in their hands, it would be difficult to spur consumption enough to reach the necessary next stage of the recovery – a revival in private investments.

Indian’s stand on the Ukraine war is tragic

New Delhi cannot crawl for the goodwill of Russia but must at least condemn Moscow’s aggression and illegal invasion

SUBRAMANIAM SWAMY

It is just under a month since Russia declared a unilaterally-waged war on Ukraine on land and by air. What the world has witnessed is he unbridled destruction of a democratic nation, Ukraine, by a heavily armed, nuclear weapons power and veto-holding Permanent Member of the United Nations Security Council, viz., Russia.

    This UN status was obtained by Russia as an uncontested residual legatee of the Soviet Union of which Russia and Ukraine were large parts; the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) unraveled into 15 nations in 1988-91 – Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, and Uzbekistan.

Much resistance

The Ukrainians are resisting the Russian advance to capture the capital, Kyiv, by demonstrating sheer nationalism and courage, and with welcome support of the developed western nations.   

    Despite this status today, Russia is not near its announced goal of conquering a largely unarmed Ukraine.

    What must be painful to the Russian President, Vladimir Putin, is that his military, despite the carpet bombing and disruption of civil facilities and over four weeks of battering Ukraine and causing widespread destruction, has not managed to capture any major city in Ukraine. Such is the valiant fighting spirit of the people of Ukraine.

   The bare fact is that Ukraine, a recognized nation and United Nations member-state, has been invaded by a Permanent Member of the apex Security Council, violating the UN Charter. India cannot crawl for the goodwill of Russia. But at the very least, India must condemn Russia for its aggression and illegal invasion.

    Mr. Putin’s constant refrain, that he wants the “de-Nazification” of Ukraine and that the Ukrainians are pro-Nazi, is incredible since Ukraine embraced Nazi Germany in the 1940s to escape the genocide in Ukraine carried out by Joseph Stalin’s Russia during the decade of 1930-40. Moreover, Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky is a Jew and his father suffered much during Hitler’s occupation of Ukraine.

The ICJ’s wrap

Another blow to the prestige of Russia has come from the International Court of Justice. After hearings held recently, the Hague-based International Court of Justice (ICJ) directed Russia to halt the war immediately, stating that the ICJ “is profoundly concerned by Moscow’s use of force in violation of international law”. The ICJ judges voted 13-2 in favour of the ruling.

    The Indian judge on the ICJ and a former Supreme Court of India judge, Justice Dalveer Bhandari, also voted against Russia despite the Narendra Modi government’s votes of abstention on other international forums on the same issue. The Ministery of External Affairs promptly disowned Justice Bhandari’s vote, with a spokesperson saying that judges at the ICJ “vote in their individual capacity”. This is silly! A judge cannot be a representative of a government when sitting in court.

A damaging stance

The most deplorable examples of human rights atrocities in the 21st century – which is being carried out by the Russian military – have also exposed the UN and the Security Council for their ineffectiveness. Obviously, the UN needs a restructuring after its past of almost 80 years of existence – and one of mostly helplessness.

    What is more tragic today is India’s stand. India, despite its large geographical size and population, has refused to criticize, leave alone denounce, Russia’s 19th century type of warfare in Ukraine, especially since the Russian military is disrupting civil society and killing the innocent.

   Combined with its abstention votes at the UN, India, by its reticence to take a stand for democracy has not only affected its relations with the democratic nations of the West but also caused consternation among its Quad partners (i.e., the United states, Australia and Japan).

   India has become vulnerable to a possible massive military adventure by China and risks isolation by traditionally democratic nations, and their help and their support.

   The non-democratic nations, besides Russia, such as China, North Korea and Venezuela, are either already hostile towards India for other reasons, or are unlikely to stand with India on other international issues of (India’s) public concern.

    Part of the problem for India arises from the attempt to run with the hare and hunt with the hounds in foreign policy. Thus, the flip flops on Afghanistan, Nepal, BRICS, the Quad, Iran, and now on the Ukraine war launched by Russia, have devalued India’s reputation to levels well below its ‘military strike hard power’ and ‘huge population soft power’.

The BRICS resolution

As already brought out by this writer in an article in this daily, titled “Ukraine’s situation, India’s national interest”, in the BRICS meet in 2021 in New Delhi with leaders of five nations present, viz., India, China, Russia, South Africa and Brazil, India had moved a resolution that was passed unanimously in its New Delhi Declaration (paragraph 22 in the XIII BRICS Summit, September 9, 2021). The core demand in this resolution was that the five BRICS nations were opposed to the unilateral use of force against any state wanted all disputes resolved by peaceful means, and categorically ruled out the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state. But India remained unflappable despite the political hypocrisy of Russia and China.

    Another blatant violation of an agreement between Russia and Ukraine has been brought out in The Hindu, February 27, 2022, in an explainer, “When and how did Ukraine give up its nuclear arsenal?”. When Ukraine won its independence from the then unraveling USSR in 1991, it had the world’s third largest stock of nuclear weapons. Statistics made public showed that Ukraine had about 19,00 strategic nuclear warheads, 176 ICBMs, and 44 long distance strategic bombers.

    In 1991, Ukraine signed the Budapest Memorandum with Russia, the U.S., and the United Kingdom. According to the Memorandum, these three veto-holding permanent members of the UNSC agreed to respect the “independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and existing borders of Ukraine”. But Russia has now welched on this treaty commitment since March 2014 when it annexed a part of Ukraine, viz., Crimea.

    If India has to play a role in international affairs, leave alone hopes of being a Vishwa Guru, the Narendra Modi government at the very least has a moral duty of restoring India’s international credibility; it must raise this Hitler-like tearing up of written agreements, not to mention the disregard for the 2021 BRICS Resolution, by Russia directly and China indirectly of an India-proposed resolution.

    In fact, India’s reputation on this issue is now being seen very adversely, internationally. The Prime Minister’s much touted labels pinned on him by his admirers in India have dimmed.

    In the context of the U.S. President, Joe Biden, calling Mr. Putin a war criminal, India is ending up looking pitiable as if the Government is under some extra-political compulsions. The India nation, however, needs to know the truth.

 

 

Get these wrinkles out of the South Asian textile story

Ensuring government support for financial incentives, upgrading technologies and re-skilling labour are key challenges

SYED MUNIR KHASRU

South Asia became a major player in the global textiles and clothing market with the onset of the third wave of global production. Bangladesh joined the league in the 1980s, owing to the outbreak of the civil war in Sri Lanka. Supportive industrial policy was an instrumental factor in the 1990s, with zero duty on raw material and capital machinery, as access to global markets led to the industry’s boom. Bangladesh overtook India in exports in the past decade as Indian labour costs resulted in products becoming 20% more expensive.

Standing of countries

Lower production costs and free trade agreements with western buyers are what favour Bangladesh, which falls third in the line as a global exporter. The progress of India and Pakistan in readymade garments is recent when compared to their established presence in textiles. India holds a 4% share of the U.S. $480 billion global textile and apparel market, and is in fifth position. India’s exports later witnessed a larger volume of business, following a 0.8% dip in 2019. Pakistan saw a 24.73% rise in textile exports (2021-22), bagging an amount of U.S. $10.933 billion.

    India has been successful in developing backward links, with the aid of the Technical Up gradation Fund Scheme (TUFS), in the cotton and technical textiles industry. However, India is yet to move into man-made fibres as factories still operate in seasonal fashion. Pakistan remains much focused on cotton products; it falls behind due to skilling and policy implementation issue. Bangladesh has been ahead of time in adopting technology. Bangladesh also concentrates on cotton products, specializing in the low-value and mid-market price segment. The country faces the challenge of high attrition and skilling which results in higher costs. Sri Lanka attained the most progress in ascending the value chain. Progress in training, quality control, product development and merchandising are attracting international brands to Sri Lanka.

In leap ahead, the hurdles

The Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) has been shifting focus from production machinery to integrating technology in the entire production life cycle. The production cycle incorporates all digital information and automation including robotics, artificial intelligence (AI), virtual reality, 3D printing, etc. Robotic automation exemplifies production efficiency, especially in area such as cutting and colour accuracy. In the days ahead, comprehensive restructuring can be expected in systems adaptation to human and market needs. With change come opportunities as well as challenges. The Asian Development Bank anticipates the challenges of job losses and disruption, inequality and political instability, concentration of market power by global giants and more vulnerability to cyber attacks.

    India’s production centres are operational at near full capacity, with companies contemplating business and production capacity expansions. With a 7% unemployment rate, India faces the challenge of job creation in the wake of increased automation. The World Bank expects this trend to accelerate in the post-COVID-19 market. The 4IR may result in unemployment or poor employment generation, primarily affecting a low skill workforce. The integration of skilling and technological investments will play a vital role in phasing out obsolete jobs, and adapting to new ones. It is imperative to ensure living wages and ease of access to education. The market switched from ‘seasonal fashion’ to ‘fast fashion’, and later to ‘accurate fashion’, reducing lead time. Digitalization and automation in area such as design, prototyping, and production are key in order to stay abreast, and in controlling production quality and timely delivery. Quick transportation becomes important in costing control, as re-shoring and near-shoring gain currency. While a transition may be easier for large factories, medium and small-scale entities may suffer. Adoption of new technology and automation is closely linked to in-product basket diversity creation too.

On sustainability

Sustainability is also an important consideration for foreign buyers. Bangladesh’s readymade garments initiated ‘green manufacturing’ practices to help conserve energy, water, and resources. Textile and apparel effluents account for 17%-20% of all water pollution. Many Indian players are focusing on input management over tailpipe management. Sustainable practices such as regenerative organic farming (that focuses on soil health, animal welfare, and social fairness), sustainable manufacturing energy (renewable sources of energy are used) and circularity are being adopted. The Indian government is also committed to promoting sustainability through project sustainable resolution.

    Tax exemptions or reductions in imported technology, accessibility to financial incentives, maintaining political stability and establishing good trade relations are some of the fundamental forms of support the industry needs from governments.

The labour lead

Access to affordable labour continues to be an advantage for the region. In addition, a country such as India with a very high number of scientists and engineers could lead, as is evident in the areas of drones, AI and block chain. India’s potential lies in its resources, infrastructure, technology, demographic dividend and policy framework. The creation of a centre for the Fourth Industrial Revolution is indicative of India’s intent. The U.S. trade war on China owing to human rights violations along with its economic bottlenecks opens doors for India and Pakistan as they have strong production bases. Similar to China, India has a big supply – from raw material to garments. Bangladesh has also risen as a top exporter in a cost competitive global market.

Bangladesh’s investments in technology in the past decades are an added advantage. On gaining significant knowledge and advanced technologies over the last 30 years, it is in Prime position. Bangladesh has envisioned the year 2041 for technological advancement, especially in ICT. Pakistan imported machinery (+77.5%) worth U.S. $504 million by the first half of 2019-20. India’s proposed investments of US$1.4 billion and the establishment of all-in-one textile parks are expected to increase employment and ease of trade. India extended tax rebates in apparel export till 2024, with the twin goals of competitiveness and policy stability. Labour law reforms, additional incentives, income tax relaxations, duty reductions for man-made fibre, etc. are other notable moves.

A map out

Cotton product dependency and a focus on only major export destinations may diminish the market scope for South Asia. Diversification with respect to technology, the product basket and the client base are to be noted. Adaptability in meeting the demands of manmade textiles, other complex products and services are also important. Newer approaches in the areas of compliance, transparency, occupational safety, sustainable production, etc. are inevitable changes in store for South Asia to sustain and grow business. Re-skilling and up-skilling of the labour force should also be a priority for the region to stay aloft in the governments’ proactive support in infrastructure, capital, liquidity and incentivization.

 

 

सोमवार, 21 मार्च 2022

THE HINDU EDITORIAL, SUNDAY- MARCH, 20,2022

THE HINDU EDITORIAL- MARCH, 20, 2022

 

IPR waiver push

Will a conditional WTO nod to remove intellectual property rights on the use of COVID vaccines help?

JACOB KOSHY

The story so far: At the World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations, a consensus is in sight on a pending proposal championed by India and South Africa in 2020 that sought to remove intellectual property rights restrictions on the use of COVID-19 vaccines, drugs and diagnostic devices. The reprieve, however, will come with certain conditions, which are still under discussion.

What are the terms of the proposal?

-In October 2020, at the WTO’s Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Council, India and South Africa proposed that the WTO do away with certain provisions of the TRIPS Agreement for the duration of the pandemic to facilitate access to technologies necessary for the production of vaccines and medicines. Such a waiver would aid scaling up of local production, critical to ensure wider access to affordable and effective vaccines. Most of these patents are held by pharmaceutical companies in the U.S. and the European Union. The waiver proposal was blocked at the TRIPS Council and the WTO ministerial Council though there have been several rounds of discussions involving ministers of several WTO member-countries. In the last year though 100 countries, including the U.S., supported the proposal, the EU remained a stumbling block. But now the EU too appears to be calling a truce.

What is the latest development?

Reports have emerged that India, South Africa, the U.S. and the EU have arrived at an agreement. A draft of this agreement, which has been circulated among 164 members of the WTO, is likely to be taken up for discussion this fortnight. A consensus of all members is necessary for a proposal to be approved. The draft says all patent rights that protect the manufacturing of COVID-19 vaccines will be waived of for three-five years. Usually, there are multiple patents that cover even a single COVID vaccine and the draft says all of these line-patents too would stand temporarily waived. All member countries, through their governments, can authorize the manufacture as well as export of vaccines produced in these conditions.

Is this a breakthrough?             

-There’s conflicting opinion on this. On the one hand, the pandemic isn’t over, and despite the widespread adoption of vaccines, (many of them employing very novel technology platforms such as mRNA and adenovirus vaccine technology) the evidence is overwhelming that vaccines are only protective against severe disease but ineffective at cubing transmission. It is possible that vaccines developed using the early strains of the virus may become ineffective over time and newer ones, potentially employing newer approaches, may be necessary in the months and years ahead. As relatively few countries have expertise in making vaccines, a waiver of this sort could help improve global access. These same set of reasons, critics of the draft say, could be used to argue that such a waiver for vaccines is too little, too late. Global facilities such as COVAX, which are charged with ensuring all countries get vaccines now, have too many vaccines – a flip from merely three months ago - when there was a scarcity. India too has multiple manufacturers and technology platforms, and more than 60% of the population is fully vaccinated. All this, without patent waivers. While pharmaceutical patents have historically been impediments to the manufacture of affordable, high-quality drugs, the global nature of the pandemic has seen that even though richer nations hoarded vaccines, prioritizing multiple inoculations for their citizens, over even a single shot for African countries, intellectual property rights on its own didn’t prove to be a hurdle. There are other major lacunae in the draft agreement.

What are some of the hurdles in the draft agreement?

-Critics say that central to the process of vaccine manufacturing are ‘trade secrets’ that specify the ingredients and chain of steps necessary to make them. The current waiver doesn’t automatically compel patent rights holders to share this information with a potential manufacturer for free. Another drawback is that this waiver is limited to vaccines. The original proposal sought a waiver on therapeutics and diagnostics and the agreement only says that a “discussion” on this can be held after six months. Access to new drugs and diagnostic technologies are necessary to keep people safe everywhere.

What do India’s pharmaceutical companies say?

-Though no one has commented on the draft, prominent drug and vaccine companies in India haven’t been very vocal on the need for a waiver. But the Organization of Pharmaceutical Producers of India (OPPI), comprising Indian subsidiaries of western pharmaceutical companies, has been critical. Waiving of intellectual property rights will neither lead to increased production of vaccines nor practical solutions to fight the virus, as IP “is not the barrier” to vaccines. The Indian Drug manufacturer Association, on the other hand, has supported it, with a caveat. They are more interested in “voluntary licences” by the patent holders to Indian companies with sufficient expertise in this field, and transferring technology to Indian companies against “reasonable” royalties.

Overlooking ‘reasonable accommodation’

In the Karnataka High Court ruling on the hijab, what principle used in disability rights was not considered?

K. VENKATARAMANAN

The story so far: The Karnataka High Court has ruled in favour of the State’s circular that students in educational institutions should only wear prescribed uniforms, and where no code was prescribed, they should wear “such attire that would accord with equality and integrity and would not disrupt public order”. The decision effectively upheld the denial of entry to students wearing the hijab. The court rejected an argument in support of permitting Muslim girls wearing head-scarves that was based on the principle of ‘reasonable accommodation’. This meant that the court did not favour making any change or adjustment to the rule that could have enabled the students to maintain their belief or practice even while adhering to the uniform rule.

What is it?

-‘Reasonable accommodation’ is a principle that promotes equality, enables the grant of positive rights and prevents discrimination based on disability, health condition or personal belief. Its use is primarily in the disability rights sector.

    Article 2 of the UN Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities (UNCRPD) defines reasonable accommodation as “necessary and appropriate modification and adjustments not imposing a disproportionate or undue burden, where needed in a particular case, to ensure to persons with disabilities the enjoyment or exercise on an equal basis with others of all human rights and fundamental freedoms”.

    The International Labour Organization (ILO), in its recommendation on HIV/AIDS and the world of work, defines it as “any modification or adjustment to a job or to the workplace that is reasonably practicable and enables a person living with HIV or AIDS to have access to, or participate or advance in, employment”.

How does the principle work?

-The general principle is that reasonable accommodation should be provided, unless some undue hardship is caused by such accommodation.

    In 2016, the ILO came out with a practical guide on promoting diversity and inclusion through workplace adjustments. The need for workplace accommodation may arise in a variety of situations, but four categories of workers were chosen for the guide: workers with disabilities, workers living with HIV and AIDS, pregnant workers and those with family responsibilities, and workers who hold a particular religion or belief. Theses categories of workers come across different kinds of barriers at work. These may result in either loss of employment or lack of access to employment. “The provision of reasonable accommodation plays a major role in addressing these barriers and thus contributes to greater workplace equality, diversity and inclusion,” says the ILO guide.

    A modified working environment, shortened or staggered working hours, additional support from supervisory staff and reduced work commitments are ways in which accommodation can be made. Suitable changes in recruitment process – allowing scribes during written tests or sign language interpreters during interviews – will also be a form of accommodation.

What is the legal position on this in India?

-In India, the Rights of People with Disabilities Act, 2016, defines ‘reasonable accommodation’ as “necessary and appropriate modification and adjustments, without imposing a disproportionate or undue burden in a particular case, to ensure to persons with disabilities the enjoyment or exercise of rights equally with others”.

    The definition of ‘discrimination’ in Section 2(h) includes ‘denial of reasonable accommodation’. In Section 3, which deals with equality and non-discrimination, sub-section (5) says: “The appropriate Government shall take necessary steps to ensure reasonable accommodation for persons with disabilities.”

    In Jeeja Ghosh and Another v. Union of India and others (2016), the Supreme Court, while awarding a compensation of 10 lakh rupees to a passenger with cerebral palsy who was evicted from a flight after boarding, said: “Equality not only implies preventing discrimination …., but goes beyond in remedying discrimination against groups suffering systematic discrimination in society. In concrete terms, it means embracing the notion of positive rights, affirmative action and reasonable accommodation. “The Supreme Court elaborated on the concept in Vikash Kumar v. UPSC (2021). This was a case in which the court allowed the use of a scribe in the Union Public Service Commission examination for a candidate with dysgraphia, or writer’s cramp. The court ruled that benchmark disability, that is a specified disability to the extent of 40%, is related only to special reservation for the disabled in employment, but it need not be a restriction for other kinds of accommodation. It also said failure to provide reasonable accommodation amounts to discrimination.

    In the recent Karnataka verdict on wearing the hijab, the High Court did not accept the argument based on a South African decision that reasonable accommodation can be made for allowing minor variations to the uniform to accommodate personal religious belief. The appeal against the verdict in the Supreme Court provides an opportunity to see if the concept can be used in the realm of belief and conscience too.

                                    

Will the war in Ukraine rattle India’s banks?

Could a distant war have a domino effect on Indian lenders? What are some of the challenges?

K. BHARAT KUMAR

The story so far: S&P Global earlier this week forecast that banks in India would face ‘headwinds’ as fallout of the Russia-Ukraine conflict. The rating agency flagged rising inflation and borrower ‘stress’ that could affect companies’ ability to fully pay back loans.

How does a war in eastern Europe affect India?

-The war has impacted the production and movement of a wide range of raw materials and commodities. Ukraine, for instance, is the main source of sunflower oil imported into India. Supplies have naturally been hit and are bound to further push up the retail prices of edible oils.

    The conflict has also forced Ukraine to shut two neon factories that account for about 50% of the global supply needed in the manufacture of semiconductors. As semiconductors become scarcer, user industries bear the brunt. Already, the global chip shortage has led to the waiting period for delivery of new premium cars in in India being extended to several months,. And with major carmakers having reported declines in sales for January and February, the profit outlook for these companies and their component suppliers looks significantly clouded. The domino effect on the automobile and other industries’ supply chains could impair the ability of businesses, especially medium and small enterprises, to fully service their loans.

What are the other factors that may undermine a company’s ability to repay loans?

-Oil has been on the boil ever since Russia invaded Ukraine on February 24. After zooming to $139 a barrel – near historical highs – Brent crude prices were at the $106 level as of Friday. With India’s state-run oil marketing firms certain to raise the retail prices of petrol and diesel sooner than later, the higher cost of transportation is bound to feed into prices of goods from agricultural produce to raw materials for factories and to finished products headed to store shelves, thus quickening inflation across the board.

    Higher input costs for manufacturers and service providers would leave them in a tough spot as they would have to choose between passing on the price increases to consumers – thus risking the already tenuous demand – and hurting their profitability if they opt to absorb the impact. Here again smaller businesses, that are most dependent on bank credit, are bound to be hit the hardest. If the war in Europe is prolonged, Indian banks could end up facing delays in the repayment of loans or possibly even having to write them off as ‘bad’.

    Separately, with the dollar benefitting from a global flight to less risky assets, as well as the start of the U.S. Federal Reserve’s calibrated monetary tightening to rein in inflation from a 40-year high in the world’s largest economy, the rupee is expected to weaken against the U.S. currency. With the exchange rate impacted, importers would have to shell out more rupees for the same dollar value of imports than before Unless demand expands, allowing then to sell more, a weaker local currency eats into their profits, leaving them with lesser cash available to service loans.

    Official data for February show that overall goods imports are growing faster than exports compared with a year earlier, widening the current account deficit (CAD). Widening CAD is likely to cause the rupee to weaken further to 77.5 to a dollar by March 2023, from 75, Crisil Ratings said on March 17.

    Rising inflation, which is already just beyond the RBI’s 6% upper tolerance limit, may nudge the central bank into raising benchmark interest rates. This means more interest will have to be paid by companies that would likely face the prospect of lesser profit. Earlier this month, India Ratings said that the increase in commodity prices could result in a stretched working capital cycle for small and medium enterprises, weakening their debt servicing ability.

Why is the situation particularly worrying for Indian banks?

-India’s lenders had already been struggling to cope with an overhang of non-performing assets or bad loans even before the pandemic severely hurt overall economic momentum.

In its Financial Stability report for December 2021, the RBI warned that from a Gross Non-Performing Asset Ratio of 6.9% in September 2021, commercial banks were likely to see the metric rise to 8.1% in a baseline scenario, and possibly soar to 9.5% under a ‘severe stress’ situation by September 2022.

 

What is the NPPA’s role in fixing drug prices?

Why is the pharma lobby seeking a 10% increase for scheduled drugs? How will it impact consumers?

BINDU SHAJAN PERAPPADAN

 

The story so far: Consumers may have to pay more for medicines and medical devices if the National Pharmaceutical Pricing Authority (NPPA) allows a price hike of over 10% in the drugs and devices listed under the National List of Essential Medicines (NLEM), this coming month. The escalation which is expected to have an impact on nearly 800 drugs and devices is propelled by the rise in the Wholesale Price Index (WPI). Lobby groups that represent domestic pharmaceutical companies have been engaging with the Central Government to ask it to extend the 10% annual hike to scheduled formulations under price control.

How does the pricing mechanism work?

-Prices of Scheduled Drugs are allowed an increase each year by the drug regulator in lie with the WPI and the annual change is controlled and rarely crosses 5%. But the pharmaceutical players pointed out that over the past few years, input costs have flared up. “The hike has been a long-standing demand by the pharma industry lobby. All medicines under the NLEM are under price regulation. As per the Drugs (Prices) Control Order 2013, scheduled drugs, about 15% of the pharma market, are allowed an increase by the government as per the WPI while the rest 85% are allowed an automatic increase of 10% every year. The pharma lobby is now asking for at least a 10% increase for scheduled drugs too than going by the WPI,” said an industry expert.

Who regulates prices?

-The NPPA was set up in 1997 to fix/revise prices of controlled bulk drugs and formulations and to enforce price and availability of the medicines in the country, under the Drugs (Prices Control) Order, 1995-2013. Its mandate is to implement and enforce the provisions of the Drugs (Prices Control) Order in accordance with the powers delegated to it, to deal with all legal matter arising out of the decisions of the NPPA and to monitor the availability of drugs, identify shortages and to take remedial steps.

   The ceiling price of a scheduled drug is determined by first working out the simple average of price to retailer in respect of all branded and generic versions of that particular drug formulation having a market share of more than or equal to 1%, and then adding a notional retailer margin of 16% to it. The ceiling price fixed/revised by the NPPA is notified in the Gazette of India (Extraordinary) from time to time.

    The NPPA is also mandated to collect/maintain data on production, exports and imports, market share of individual companies, profitability of companies etc., for bulk drugs and formulations and undertake and/or sponsor relevant studies in respect of pricing of drugs/ pharmaceuticals.

    Prices are revised when there is a rise in the price of bulk drugs, raw materials, cost of transport, freight rates, utilities like fuel, power, diesel, and changes in taxes and duties. The cost rises for imported medicines with escalation in insurance and freight prices, and depreciation of the rupee. The annual hike in the prices of drugs listed in the NLEM is based on the WPI. The NLEM lists drugs used to treat fever, infection, heart disease, hypertension, anemia etc and includes commonly used medicines like paracetamol, azithromycin etc.

Why are inputs high?

-Speaking about the proposed move Chinu Srinivasan, co-convener, All-India Drug Action Network (AIDAN), pointed out that one of the challenges is that 60%-70% of the country’s medicine needs are dependent on China. “Self-reliance for India also means self-reliance in bulk drugs (Active Pharmaceutical Ingredients/APIs) and chemicals/intermediates that go into making the drug.” Mr. Srinivasan also said the method to calculate the annual ceiling price increase should be revisited. “WPI is dependent on price rise in a basket of a range of goods that are not directly linked with the items that go into the cost of medicines. More importantly, the unrealistic simple average method of calculating ceiling prices should be replaced by a cost-plus mechanism that was prevalent under the earlier DPCO 1995,” he said.